PROJECT :LITERATURE REVIEW OF NIGER DELTA CONFLICT MANAGEMENT CRISIS

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

        The chapter basically focuses on the review of relevant literatures which will adequately explain militant activities in Nigeria by taking into consideration or concentrating on the Niger Delta. There is yet not much academic work on conflict management in the Niger Delta and also study of the Amnesty Programme That is effectively looking at militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta from different perspectives. This review is divided into five main distinct headings. The heading are historical background of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta, implication of militancy and kidnapping in Nigeria economy, effects of militancy and kidnapping on multi-national oil companies in Niger delta, causes and effects of militancy and kidnapping in Niger Delta as a region, government efforts of addressing the Niger Delta problems and then, the summary of reviews of literature which would eventually, review by briefly touching each of the aforementioned headings. The research posed to trace the historical background of Militancy and Kidnapping in Niger Delta, the origin of the problem. It will further explain the root cause of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta region. This implies that the researcher will through relevant literatures take a curious peer into Niger Delta struggle since the inception of the geographical expression now known as Nigeria until the research will venture into the role of the Nigeria state in ameliorating the situation. This entails taking effective and result oriented measures towards ensuring that the militarization and criminality experienced in the region becomes pass history. Lastly, the causes and effects of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger delta as a region. It implication in Nigeria economy, and its effects on multi-national oil companies in the Niger Delta region will be critically review in this research. The aim therefore is to ascertain the real causes of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta that is the origin of the problem which has now destabilized and deprived the region of her places. It effects in the region presently and in the future will be considered.

2.1.1 Historical background of militancy and kidnapping

The history of protects and conflicts of acrimony by the Niger Delta people against forced union and exploitation dates back to the period before 1957 when testimonies were in respect there of before the Willink commission of inquiry into minority fears.

The grave implications of continued conflict in the Niger Delta may be better appreciated against the background of the fact that, from historical experienced, the Nigerian nation and especially the Niger Delta have had a prolonged familiarity with social struggle against colonial rule. The Niger Delta militants are drawing from this experienced in prosecuting the current phase of confrontation with the Nigerian state and multi-nationals like the struggle against colonialism, the present phase of militancy and kidnapping incubated over long periods of unaddressed grievances and disenchantments among communities in the region. (Afinotan and Ojakorotu 2009:6).

Subsequently, several protects and clamors for justice have been registered to no avail. Characteristically, both military and civilian governments have ignored clamors for equitable remedy and forcibly smothered protects through use of overwhelming military might and other documented acts of state sanctioned political violence. The existing concept of Federalism in Nigeria today falls short of prospects in both definition and practice. To the extent that it is being practiced as quasi-federalism, there has been an overly concentrated control of resources by the federal government. Thereby making it component units (state) including the Niger Delta state to be completely dependent on the Federal Government for survival. This abnormality continues to generate continual conflict with indigenous rights, hence, has become a main cause of conflict in the Niger Delta region especially from dishonorable deprivation principles for revenue allocation to the states in the region. He struggles of the Niger Deltans which have assumed violent dimensions in our recent history, are explained to be an expression of the people’s grievances over neglects, marginalization, oppression, subjugation, exploitation and deprivation by the Nigeria government and its collaborators (multi-nationals) of the people right to equity and justice of their resources.

       As Biakpara (2010:3) puts it “what the people of the Delta are asking for is equity and justice and due recognition of their rights as citizen. These i8ssues are contained in the Ogoni Bill Rights, the Kaiama declaration, and similar declarations by other groups in the Niger Delta. Sound, the people are insisting on a cessation of destructive oil exploration activities which destroy the Niger Delta ecology and human lives.

         Biakpara (2010) reports further that, the Niger Deltans want the abrogation of all laws which dispossesses them of their rights as a federating unit within Nigeria. They want the crisis of poverty in the Niger Delta to be addressed. According to him, although the general poverty index poverty index of Nigeria’s has risen sharply, the worse poverty situations are found in the Niger Delta. The people also want Nigerians to pay attention to their message and treat them with respect as equal in the Nigerian nation.

        The situation in the Niger Delta is both curious and is an annoying paradox. The people live in difficult coastal areas surrounded by water, and yet, do not have enough water to drink. The creeks are littered with pipelines bearing petroleum products to other parts of the country, but in Niger Delta fuel is scarce and expensive for example, fuel is costlier in Yenegoa than in Kano. The Niger Deltans have also lamented that, before their very eyes, revenue from crude oil sales is taken away to provide infrastructure in other parts of the country (beautiful roads in Abuja, Skyscrapers and flyovers in Lagos e.t.c.) while many communities in the Niger Delta are cut off from civilization because there are no roads or bridges to get to them (Biakpara 2010 and Mamkaa, 2010).

In another development, the Niger Delta youths in their thousands, if not millions are largely unemployed. The qualified ones among them have struggle with other Nigerians to get position in the oil companies. The oil companies have their headquarters in Lagos and Abuja, not in the Niger Delta. The people feel neglected as illiterates and minorities that can be manipulated. Youths, Adults, Women, and Children grow up and die in the region without much hope and chance of a better future, while people from other parts of Nigeria, enjoy the benefits that oil wells wealthy brings. Consequently, the militants among them feel they have reached a point where the only choice they find attractive is violent and kidnapping illegal bunkering pipeline vandalism to drive home their demand for equity and justice and due recognition of their rights as citizens. (Biakpara, 2010).

     The precedence was set when in 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro and Notthingham Dick two Ijaw young men, set up the Niger Delta volunteer service (NDVS). They were concerned with rising poverty levels of their people and also perceived that the domineering tendencies of the major tribes in Nigeria were to blame. It was on the platform of the NDVS that they declared an Independence Niger Delta Republic in Febuary 1966. This first secessionist-bid in the history of Nigeria failed (tell, June 25, 2009:6).

     The passage of Isaac Adaka Boro and his lieutenant, Nottingham Dick only market the beginning of history. Between the late 1980s and early 1990s Kenule Saro Wiwa led the movement for the survival of the Ogoni people (MOSOP) and brought the plight of the people of the Niger Delta to international attention. This led to the declaration of the Ogoni Bill of Rights. This was followed shortly by the emergence of militant groups and warlords in the creeks (Biakpara 2010).

     By 2007, the situation in the Niger Delta had degenerated into full anarchy. Series of armed young gangs had emerged fighting for the control of oil resources in their localities. These happened in the midst of pure criminality, kidnapping, oil bunkering and pipeline vandalism. The militants were armed with superior weapons and very defiant. They issue ultimatums both to government and oil installations and their actions were carried out with little reprisals from government forces (Tell, June 25 2009:64) as Ruben Abati captured the situation,

They attack oil installations, kidnap oil company officials. seeing that crude oil is stolen openly by state officials, and that a whole ship, bearing oil cargo can disappear from Nigerian shores and the Navy and everyone else could claim ignorance, the militants have also begun to engage in illegal oil bunkering (Biakpara 2010:2).

An elder statement and spokesman of the Niger Delta, Edwin Kiagbodo Clerk corroborated this position when he asserts that,

The boys are fighting for their own survival. They are fighting unemployment, criminal negligence of the area, dehumanization of our own people and lack of education for them (News watch, August 4, 2005:15). In the same vein, Itse Sagay, explain that militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta region has assumed an alarming proportion because of the continued oppression, marginalization, exploitation and gross underdevelopment of the area, that produces virtually the entire wealth of the nation (News watch, August 4, 2008:16).

Government had to cope with all these embarrassment arising the lawlessness in the Niger-Delta-oil theft, the kidnapping of minocout, children, the abduction of men, married women and open warfare. Infact, in contemporary time, kidnapping has become the business of the day in the Niger Delta region.

The foregoing analysis confirms Marx’s assertion that all history is the history of class struggle between a ruling group and an opposing group, from which came a new economic, political and social system (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraff, 1990:225). The Niger Deltans have articulated their points, advancing reasons, advancing reasons why they took arms against the Nigerian state and multi-national oil companies (MNOC). Which is the ruling group in this struggle. This is the promise upon which the incidents of militancy and kidnapping is situated and founded. Hence, the origin of the problem of Militancy and Kidnapping in the Niger Delta region.

2.1.2 The effects of militancy and kidnapping in Nigeria economy

Economically, the Nigerian economy revolved around the Niger Delta region. This is because the region is naturally endowed with numerous natural resources especially crude oil which is the chief source of revenue and foreign exchange to Nigeria. In other words, the Niger Delta generates 90% of Nigeria revenue. However, the long years of neglect, marginalization, oppression, subjugation, discrimination, exploitation e.t.c. of the region has led to crisis in the region including militancy and kidnapping of oil workers both foreigners and Nigerians and other innocent people in the region. Militancy and kidnapping has multiplier effect in Nigeria economy. It impedes business investment, economic growth and productivity spurs inflation and unemployment and negatively affects the living standard of the people. A nations living standards are tied to it productivity. Political instability also affects national income. When investors and individuals in the society begin to perceive the crisis in the region as a serious threat to their investment and savings, they will sell off their assets and buy assets in other politically secure and stable societies. The crisis of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta region brought untold hardship and instability to the Nigerian economy. For instance in 2008. About $20.7 billion revenue due to government was lost. National electricity supply was down to amount 800mw because of the disruption of the supply of gas from the Niger Delta. This greatly affected public and private businesses in Nigeria (Mamkaa 2010). Nigeria loses   N174 billion to pipeline vandals in the past ten years, Barkindo Sanusi group Managing Director of NNPC made the assertion.

The sea ports have been one of the major contributors of revenue to the federal government especially the once in Delta state, River State and Cross River State in the Niger Delta region. The activities of militant groups have reduce revenue generate by these ports to the federal government from N50 billion to N35 billion in 2009 and even till date the revenue from these ports are reducing per day. Revenue accruing to the federal government from oil companies and other companies operating in the Niger Delta region has also dropped.

The Niger Delta region also happen to be a good tourist ground for instance, places like Benin, Bonny, Calabar, Uyo, Port Harcourt e.t.c are importance tourist centres for Nigeria. The economic benefit accruing to Nigeria has also dropped rapidly.

From the analysis above, it is clear the Nigeria state cannot function economically without the Niger Delta region, but the activities of militants groups in the region has affected the economy of Nigeria negatively.

2.1.3 The effects of militancy and kidnapping on multi-national oil companies in Niger Delta.

The long years of neglect and exploitation of the people of the Niger Delta region by Nigerian government and multi-national oil companies has degenerate into militancy, kidnapping, violence and other forms of armed struggle. The armed struggle by angry youth of the region has affected the activities of multi-national oil companies operating in the region. These happen in the midst of pure criminality, hostage taking (kidnapping) illegal oil bunkering, pipeline vandalism e.t.c for instance, hostage taking cases alone have cost these multi-national oil companies billion of naira. Some of the multi-national oil companies operating in the Niger Delta region include Shell, Chevron, AGIP, Total, Exxon Mobil, Texaco e.t.c. it is believed that every private business firm is out to make profit be it multi-national oil companies or other forms  of business firms. However, when the environment in which these firms operate is not friendly then, the firms begin to run at lost. This is the case with the oil companies operating in the Niger Delta region. For instance on the 4^th of febuary 2011, four (4) employees of AGIP was kidnapped by militant on a speed boat from Amassoma to Ogoimbiri in southern Ijaw L.G.A of Bayelsa state (stakeholder democracy. Org/../27). On the second (2) of April 2011, five (5) staff of Exxon Mobil were kidnapped by militant in Niger Delta of Ibeno L.G.A. of Akwa Ibom state(ventures africs.com/five Exxon Mobil) and among other cases of kidnapping of oil worker both foreign and Nigerians, in the Niger Delta region. All these comes with huge expenses on multi- national oil companies operating in the region. Example, shell had to pack out of Warri Delta state because of persistence kidnapping of its Staffs The same thing happen to other companies like “Julius Berger” a construction company pack out of Port Harcourt. Pipeline vandalism by militant has also cost so much to multi-national oil companies operating in the Niger delta region in terms of maintenance and clean up exercises. No doubt, the activities of militants in the Niger Delta has affected the operations of multi-national oil companies and other business firms in the region as evidence in the huge spend for pipeline maintenance, clean up exercise and release of hostages. Again, much money is also spent by multi-national oil companies to beef up security as a result of militant activities in the region. From all angle, militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta region has not affects the operations of multi-national oil companies positively, rather it has disrupt the operations of oil companies thereby losing billions of naira in the process.

2.1.4 Causes and Effects of Militancy and Kidnapping in Niger Delta as a region

The causes of militancy and kidnapping came as a result of the battle for resources control, self-determination, unemployment, lack of basic amenities and among others. And this battle has crippled business enterprises, industries as well the operations of the multi-national oil companies in the Niger Delta region news watch (2007). According John Iwori (2009) at the root of the current problems of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta region is the issue of resource control “oil” by the oil producing communities. Since the exploration and production of crude oil and gas commenced in the region over 47 years ago, the federal government continuation of causes and effects of militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta region has always claimed to have “owned” and “controlled” the resources while production is carried out by multi-national oil companies (MNOC) under joint venture arrangement with the federal government. The oil producing states and communities have been left out in this arrangement (between the federal government and the multi-national oil companies?), worse still, less than 3% of the total oil revenue that the federal government has realized from its “control” of the oil industries has been used in the development of oil producing communities. The result is that abject poverty is still pervasive in oil producing communities unlike many part of the country and oil producing communities in other parts of the world. Thus, the oil producing communities have been struggling to wrestle back “ownership and control” of the oil industries from the federal government and/or compel the federal government and the oil companies to devote more resources to tackle the development and environmental problems of the oil producing communities. Most other problems of the region are high unemployment, lack of or poor socio-economic infrastructure, poverty, communal conflicts, insecurity e.t.c plus the neglect of the region by successive military or civil rule and oil companies hence the struggle by the people to correct the socio-economic injustice. This development has given rise to militancy and kidnapping in the region which is today affecting the region and Nigeria in general. According to Linda Dokubo (2007) what is going on the Niger Delta is no siege. What is going on, is only a situation of people reacting against deprivation and injustice. To Linda, no, it is not a siege. The Nigerian government has conspired in the past with multi-national oil companies to deprive the people of the Niger Delta. The people of the Niger Delta have been excluded from the process that should primarily involve them. According to her, the people of the Niger Delta are not allowed ownership of what belongs to them. They are not even allowed to participate in the process of deciding what happen to their resources. The people demand justice. Their reaction has been given all sorts of names. She further pointed out, that government in the pats underplayed what was happening in the Niger Delta by saying these are mere criminals. They also have security reports painting the picture that everything is well, but the injustice is there. The people of the Niger Delta are still suffering deprivation lack of social amenities and total collapses in everything else that they do. What the people are asking for is ju8stice. That is why they resolve in militancy and kidnapping as their best strategy. As pointed out by Linda, the people demand justice equity and fairness. The people demand repeal or amendment of those laws that exclude them from the ownership of what belong to them. But in the short term, let them begin to provide social amenities in the Niger Delta. And let the multi-national oil companies live up to their social responsibility. Why are we being insensitive to the situation in the Niger Delta.

        According to Oronto Douglas (2009) militancy, kidnapping and other problems of Niger Delta and the demands of the people could be broken down to five key areas. The first is access and control of resources, environmental justice, self determination, and political, social and economic development of the nation and finally, the building of a united Nigeria that is based on the rule of law and justice, where minority rights are protected. These five cardinal issues that have been canvassed by the people of the Niger delta have not been attended to all these years and it has led to several; major upheavals.

        According to Chioma (2007) described the causes of militancy and kidnapping on the sorry state of the Niger Delta environment, the destruction of the flora and fauna and their biodiversity, pollution of the water they drink and the air they breathe, yet the oil produced from the region account for about 90% of the country’s total exports and over 80% of total government revenue. In 1983 reports the government owned NNPC had noted “we witness the slow poisoning of the waters of this region and the destruction of vegetation and agricultural land by oil spill which occur during petroleum operation. But since the inception of the oil industries in Nigeria more than 40 years ago, here has been no concreted and effective effort on the part of the government let alone the oil operators to control environmental problems associated with the oil industries, not much has changed since then. The degradation of the environment still goes on unabated. Gas flaring has not stopped, spillages and pipeline leaks still occur, there are still effluent discharges from production and refinery operations. Now the problem has reached an alarming dimension. The youths have formed themselves in vanguards, brandishing sophisticated arms, kidnapping and killing people, disrupting oil operations and putting the entire region into a state of anomic lot of lives and property and money have been lost in the process. This is the premise on which militancy and ki8dnappping emerge in the Niger Delta region can not be over emphasized. Indeed, the activities of militant groups has led to many businesses and companies packing out of the region which has cause unemployment to the people of the region. According to Newswatch sources, the disruption of oil exploration by the activities of militants has compelled the Warri refinery and petrochemical company as well as the Nigeria gas company to close operations. Also, the activities of militant have to a large extent driven away foreign investors wishing to establish in the region. In the region thereby reducing the revenue accruing to the states in the region from tourism sector. The vandalization of pipeline by militant causes environmental degradation, air and water pollution this causes the region, more hardship and crisis with the neglect of the region by the federal government and multi-nations operating in the region. In addition, the respond of the federal government to the problem of militancy and kidnapping by developing armed forces to the region worsen the situation in the region. This is because, it causes more harm and hardship to the people of the region. For instance, the J.T.F. entered the area with force making major waterways unsafe to pass, disrupting traditional occupations of fishing and farming, and blocking free movement, trade and commercial activities between communities those trapped in the process ran for safety into the bushes and swamps including both indigenes and non-indigenes and serving members of the national youth service corps. Some waded into the deep mud-swamps until rescued, while others got lost in the forests, until they reached some settlements of kind-hearted Ijaw people youthful people escaped relatively easily while the children, the aged and the infirm people were left behind, abandoned. Dr Oboko Bello, an Ijaw youth leader condemned this situation as “a wrong application of Nigeria’s military might on her own citizen” indeed, militancy and kidnapping in the Niger Delta emerge as a result of long years of neglect, marginalization, discrimination, oppression, subjugation, exploitation and deprivation of the region. The emergence of militant in the Niger Delta region was evidence in hostage taking (kidnapping) of both foreigners and Nigerians oil worker innocent business men and women and children. Today, kidnapping in the Niger Delta is a lucrative business. The negligence of the region by the federal government and multi-national oil companies and the activities of militants in the region has led to the underdevelopment, unemployment, political, social and economic backwardness of the region. No doubt militancy and kidnapping has affected the region negatively the question is, how can we resolve this dilemma of a region that is both rich and poor, whose squalor is the fallout of its splendor, whose poverty is a product of its wealth. How can we bring peace to this region and stem the tide of militancy? How have successive government responded to these threats? This forms the discussion in the next segment of the paper

2.1.5 Government’s Effort at Addressing the Niger Delta Problems

        The quest for addressing the Niger Delta question started during the pre-independence days. Precisely, in 1958, the Willinks commission was set up to address the minority question. In its reports, the commission observed that the needs of those who live in the creeks and swamps of the Niger Delta are very different from those of the interior, noting that a feeding off neglect and a lack of understanding was widespread. A case was therefore made for the special treatment of this area. Specifically, the commission recommended the setting up of a Niger Delta development board (Biakpara, 2010). As a response, the indigenous government that succeeded the colonialist established River Basin development succeeded the authorities (R B D A) but there was hardly any political will to drive these authorities towards development. Where there are government efforts at resolution, such efforts have been limited in representation, haphazardly coordinated, repetitive and incomplete. All efforts at conflict resolution have been generated by the federal government and imposed upon all stakeholders. For example, the Niger Delta Development Act (NDDA) 2000 recently adopted is a variation of the oil mineral producing areas development commission (OMPADEC) decree enabled by general Sanni Abacha bin 1995. It is known that both structures and scope of the OMPADEC could not resolve entrenched causes of conflict in the region and its variation in the NDDC act 2000 is not estimated to prove better in addressing insufficiency of the OMPADEC decree.

        The OMPADEC or its descendants- the NDDC act 2000, assuming it shall be properly managed according to its charter of creation- by self-merit arte partly authentic means to an ultimate resolution of conflicts. Despite their inevitability, neither can one singularly resole crises as a stand-alone model nor is surrounding enough in representation of indigenous people and their varied interests. Both represent unbalanced creation of the major already protected multinational corporations and without equity indigeno us people and their interests. Historically, commissions so created by the federal government are scandalously challenged in management styles while personifying as breeding of corruption and extreme government bureaucracy. It is as a result. Made according to pattern that present Niger Delta commission has no satisfactorily delineated purpose, scope and structures expected of such important roles and offices it is created to implement. Another reason that challenges the well intentioned NDDC is traced to similar retrogressive laws that are shades in present regional conflicts. These laws represent another replica handed down by previous government and law makers toward resolving conflicts through revenue allocation. These authors are inclined to indicate unreasonableness in most sections of such laws and suggest immediate legislative and judicial reviews.

        Against these inherent natures of self-service, ineffectiveness and limitations that characterize earlier commission created by federal governments for regional resource control and developments, it cannot be overemphasized the desireability for a equilateral resource control model created to provide checks and balances while ensuring equity for all stakeholders.

        In 1999, the Banbangida administration set up the oil minerals producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) this agency was reportedly starved of necessary funds to operate optimally and make a difference, and on the other hand, the (OMPADEC officials misappropriated the resources place at their disposal. In 1999, the Obasanjo’s administration set up the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) as a new approach towards fast tracking the development of the Niger Delta. This agency has makes it look as if is more of political patronage, and opportunities for awarding contracts rather than the serious development objectives it was created to address (Newswatch, may 4, 2009) this does not however mean that the agency has nothing good to the credit. The Yar’Adua led administration in 2007 created the Ministry of Niger Delta affairs to demonstrate government’s determination to squarely address the plights of the Niger Delta people. This is s fully fledged federal government’s ministry charged with the responsibility of planning and administ6tering development programmes in the Niger Delta region. This ministry has been engaged in physical infrastructures development in the area and recently, it has anchored the implementation of the Yar’Adua amnesty programme for the ex-militants in the region.

        Apart from the above, other efforts in the past include, 1998, Maj, Gen, Popoola committee formed by Head of state Gen, Abdusallam Abubakar to look into the problems of the Niger Delta Report was not implemented some other efforts as identified by Mangut and Egbefo (2010) include

1.  Government at different for a encourages oil companies to improve the infrastructure of their hosting communities

2.  The establishment of the Niger Delta University and the federal University of petroleum resources as instrument for appreciating and collectively adopting ways if ameliorating the problems associated with oil exploration

3.  Encouragement of companies to give scholarship schemes to Niger Delta students studying specified courses in tertiary institutions.

4.  Utilisation of the Educational Trust Fund (ETF) proceeds for developing infrastructure in the educational institutions and for given internal and overseas scholarship awards in the indigenes of the Niger Delta.

THE AMNESTY PROGRAM OF THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT

        The situation in the Niger Delta smacks of capability failure, ineptitude, insensitivity and callousness on the part of the government and the multinational oil companies. As has been stated earlier, the region lags behind in terms of infrastructural development; it is educationally disadvantaged, with a great majority of its inhabitants unable to afford education. A great part of the region still lack basic amenities like portable water, electricity, good roads, shelter and good Medicare. These items though not directly mentioned by Nussbaum are implied by her list of human capabilities. According to Nussbaum (ibid.), if any of these capabilities is lacking in the society, all others are lacking because the absence of one compromises all. In the case study here, the Niger Delta region, there is a complete lack of consideration of the capability of the people. Hence the struggle over the years for resource control which has culminated into a violent struggle. This has disrupted oil production in Nigeria.

          The government of Nigeria under the administration of late president Umaru Musa Yar’Adua worried about the conflict in the region and the continuous decline of the country’s revenue due to disruption of oil production decided to enter into dialogue with the militants in the Niger Delta. It set up the amnesty program. In 2009, it granted amnesty to all militants in the region and urged them to lay down their arms. It is pertinent to note that the government did not consider the core issues surrounding the struggle for resource control while making its amnesty arrangement.

     The Ogoni Bill of Rights written by MOSOP (Movement for The Survival of Ogoni People), the earliest and most organized social movement in the region stated;

         That the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited does

         not employ Ogoni people at a meaningful or at any level at all…That the search

        for oil has caused severe land and food shortages in Ogoni, one of the most densely

       populated areas of Africa…That Ogoni people lack education, health and other social

      facilities. That it is intolerable that one of the richest areas of Nigeria should wallow in

   abject poverty. (Ogoni Bill of Rights).

       The above statement from the Ogoni Bill of rights reveals the core issues and grievances behind the struggle for resource control and the reason behind the conflict in the first place. The root cause of the problem has to be genuinely addressed through institution and capacity building as well as through sustainable development and general transformation of the political space and landscape. This has to be done as a matter of urgency because of the seriousness of the issue and to avoid further deterioration of the situation in the region. Calling a few militants to lay down their arms with a promise of a few “carrots” and “peanuts” in the name of monthly allowances is not a viable solution to the conflict. This arrangement will only implode in the long run and will further exacerbate the conflict. A monstrous industry of conflict has been inadvertently created by this “cash-for-arms” arrangement called amnesty program. Politicians, corrupt chiefs, the militants and various power houses in Nigeria prefer the status quo because under this atmosphere of conflict and anomie, oil bunkering (illegal exploration and sale of crude oil), and other illegal and nefarious activities are easily perpetrated.

       The amnesty program as it stands presently is bound to have little success. It is more of a palliative measure, a quick-fix that has no long term goal of permanently bringing peace to the Niger Delta. The foundation is porous. As Lord Denning, one of the brightest legal minds that ever came out of Britain once said, in the case of U.A.C v. Mac Foy “You cannot put something on nothing and expect it to stand” (1961, 3 All E.R. 1169). Lord Denning’s statement particularly applies to the amnesty arrangement in the Niger Delta.

     On this issue Wills Connors and Spencer Swartz, columnists with the Wall street Journal wrote; “Nigerian state governors, analysts, and the militants themselves have criticized the plan because it does little to address the core causes of the militancy and criminality that have plagued the Niger Delta for decades, such as the lack of education, jobs and basic services” (The Wall Street Journal, Thursday August 6, 2009). The went further to state that the governors within the Niger Delta region have threatened to withdraw from the arrangement because it lacked a definite post-amnesty plan arrangement for the region (ibid.).

       The above observation by the governors is quite true. The region needs more than an ill-planned amnesty program but a thoroughly planned program geared towards tackling deep-rooted problems in the polity. Issues such as poverty that has become endemic, corruption, development, need to be seriously put into consideration if the amnesty program is to succeed. The youth in the region have to be educated and employed to discourage them from taking arms. Without this, the much talked about peace will still be nothing but a mirage.

2.2 AREA OF THE STUDY

        The area of the study is strictly the Niger Delta region. This implies that the research covers the entire Niger Delta the Niger Delta is made up of Nine (9) states, these include Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and River state.

“The Niger Delta is Africa’s largest delta, covering an area of 70,000 square kilometers. About one third of this area is made up of wetlands and it contains the largest mangrove forest in the world” (Mangut and Egbefo, 2010). It further presupposes that the problem under study concerns the said region.